Ireland has been transformed – but not for the better

The Revelation of Ireland 1995-2020   
by Diarmaid Ferriter | Profile | 2024, 560 pages

Professor Diarmaid Ferriter is as well-known in Ireland for his frequent appearances on the state broadcaster RTÉ as he is for his many history books.

The front cover of his newly-released book, The Revelation of Ireland 1995-2020, displays a blurb from Prospectproclaiming the University College Dublin Professor of Modern Irish History to be “[t]he outstanding Irish historian of our time.”

At times, it appears that some RTÉ producers mistakenly believe he is the only Irish historian of our time.

That being said, Ferriter’s overview of recent developments in modern Ireland makes for valuable reading for anyone interested in the economic, political and social transformation of Ireland since the 1990s.  

 

icon

Join Mercator today for free and get our latest news and analysis

Buck internet censorship and get the news you may not get anywhere else, delivered right to your inbox. It's free and your info is safe with us, we will never share or sell your personal data.

As the author explains early on, the book’s “title was prompted not only by what has been revealed about the past, but also how Ireland from the mid 1990s has revealed its potential and its limitations.”

Important revelations have included many unsavoury facts about financial impropriety or outright corruption engaged in by Irish leaders.

The first chapter is dedicated to “Political Culture” and offers a particularly useful summary of developments in a country still blighted by clientelism and the lack of individual accountability in cases of scandal and failure.

Although the book is focused on the Republic of Ireland, the ending of violent conflict in the North is addressed comprehensively.

By the mid-1990s, the Provisional IRA’s campaign had gone on for a quarter of a century and was accomplishing nothing.

Security force losses were minimal by that stage and the Catholic population in Northern Ireland was firmly opposed to further futile violence. Indeed, Ferriter reminds readers that in the 1992 elections, the moderate nationalist SDLP party won more than twice as many votes as Sinn Féin.

The decision by the IRA/Sinn Féin leadership (most notably Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness) to wind down the IRA’s “war” completely in return for various political concessions was a historic one, but one which has led to historical amnesia setting in on both sides of the Border.

This has been ruthlessly exploited by a sinister and destructive party which has profited by swapping guns for ballot boxes.

In fact, a recent poll found that 69 percent of Northern nationalists now believe there was “no alternative” to Provisional IRA violence.

Irish historians deserve some criticism for not highlighting obvious lies when they are told, but the more fundamental problem relates to the Irish public itself: particularly the lack of sympathy for dissenting opinions and the ease with which the entire public can slip into groupthink.

Oscar Wilde said that the “problem is the English can't remember history, while the Irish can't forget it.”

In recent times, this has been far from true.

During the unprecedented economic boom of the 1990s onwards, the government of the day massively increased public spending.

A more far-sighted policy would have involved devoting more of this wealth to preparing for the inevitable downturn, which few could have envisioned would have been as devastating as the financial crash of 2008.

Ferriter quotes the Finance Minister of this era, Charlie McCreevy, who said that in “a political democracy, it is especially difficult to run any kind of a budget surplus.”

Twenty years later, Ireland is again enjoying some of the fastest economic growth in Europe. Tax revenue is booming, and once again, the government is spending massively in the hopes of winning the next general election.

The country’s independent financial watchdog has repeatedly raised its voice in objection and has repeatedly been ignored.

Ferriter rightfully criticises the excessive focus on wage growth at the expense of long-term planning, but this is far more of a societal failing than a government failing.

Hard questions are not asked often enough in Ireland, and there remains a tendency to shoot the messenger instead of considering the message.

Another socio-economic issue which is mentioned by Ferriter but not sufficiently interrogated is the massive increase in the number of women in the workforce from the early 1990s onwards.

This stemmed in part from rising prosperity and changes in individual preferences, but it was also due to a government decision to introduce a major disincentive to single-income households within the tax system.

The government’s defeat in the March 2024 referendum aimed at removing from Ireland’s Constitution a reference to women’s “duties in the home” was the cause of some recent outside interest.

Realistically however, the referendum meant little. When it comes to the quality of family life and the ability of small children to be cared for in their own homes by one of their own parents, the damage had already been done.

Surveying the history of modern Ireland in these pages, there are occasional reminders that the dominance of the progressive worldview in Irish political life was not nearly so strong until recently.

After George W. Bush defeated the Democratic challenger John Kerry in the US presidential election in 2004, the Taoiseach Bertie Ahern said that Bush’s victory had put Ireland “in a stronger position” on economic policy.

While today’s Irish leaders are too chastened by the experience of 2016 to publicly state their preference for Kamala Harris, it is safe to say that the expression of sympathy for America’s Republican Party would today end the career of any mainstream Irish politician.

When it comes to the secularisation of Ireland from the 1990s onwards, Ferriter’s historical account is predictably one-sided.

A cursory reference to how Ireland’s development assistance programme was partially inspired by the work of Ireland’s religious missionaries is balanced with a strange remark about the mixing of “religious colonialism and pained emigration.”

The role of the Irish Church in charitable services is briefly noted, and some effort is made to consider the role of the Church in the context of broader Irish society.

He is clearly somewhat uncomfortable with the grisly caricature of Irish nuns which is contained in sensationalist portrayals such as the 2002 movie, “The Magdalene Sisters”.

At the same time, the record of the famous Cardinal Paul Cullen is simplified in the crudest manner when Ferriter writes that he “had as a common factor in all his exertions obedience to Rome rather than to Ireland” – as if simultaneous loyalty to both was not possible.

Like any history book dealing with modern Ireland, Ferriter’s work is written in the shadow of the greatest such work, Professor Joseph (J.J.) Lee’s ‘Ireland 1912-1985: Politics and Society.’

Ferriter quotes approvingly Lee’s warning against focusing superficially on the Church’s influence in explaining Irish social trends: “If the nature of Irish Catholicism cannot be ignored in discussing any major question of significance in modern Ireland it is by no means the only factor requiring scrutiny.”

Lee’s 1989 book asked perceptive questions about the record of Irish economic and social failure post-independence and did not absolve the hierarchy or conservative Catholics from criticism, while still recognising that Catholicism was the “main bulwark of the civic culture.”

Other figures are quoted by Ferriter in a similar vein, such as the liberal former Taoiseach Garret Fitzgerald who worried late in life about the impact of secularism in light of the “inadequacy of any alternative lay or civic ethos.”

Characteristically, Ferriter includes such observations but does not expand on them. Unlike Lee, Ferriter does little to discomfort himself or his readers, most of whom likely share his basic assumptions about the direction of Irish life.

Furthermore, the original insights within this book are overwhelming from sources other than the author.

Another weakness of this work is that the cut-off point of 2020 limits any discussion about how concerns about mass immigration have become a central issue in Irish politics.

Ireland first became the destination for large numbers of migrant workers during the Celtic Tiger boom of the 1990s. At first, the immigrants who arrived were mainly Central and Eastern European, with Poland providing a particularly large contingent.

Ferriter includes an interesting comment made in 2007 by the future Taoiseach Enda Kenny, who stated that Ireland was a “Celtic and Christian country,” and added that new arrivals had a responsibility to respect the “cultural tradition” of the host society.

His comments were not controversial at the time, and the first waves of large-scale immigration did indeed prove to be very assimilable.

What has changed more than anything since then is the origins of those coming to Ireland, including both legal immigrants and refugees.

In the first half of 2024, the top five countries for asylum applications in Ireland were Nigeria, Jordan, Pakistan, Somalia and Bangladesh.

It should not be hard to work out why Ireland has finally joined other European countries as a nation where a considerable portion of the public is concerned about immigration.

Ireland’s housing crisis is not a sufficient explanation for this sudden change in mood. Sensitive though the topic is, we need to think hard about the question of national identity.

Early-stage multiculturalism worked fine in Ireland from the 1990s on when the multiple cultures were broadly similar to that of the host nation, as Polish Catholics certainly were and are. The beliefs and attitudes of later waves of immigrants are radically dissimilar to what Enda Kenny called the country's “cultural tradition,” and it should be no shock to anyone that problems have increased.

This is yet another revelation of modern Ireland. The country is not that different from the Western world, and the recent embrace of woke progressivism as a substitute for a national identity that was interwoven with Catholicism has not insulated us from the challenges long faced by Britain, France, Germany and many other countries.

When a disruptive populist force does make its presence felt within Irish politics, it will not be a revelation, but a reversion to the European norm.

Extending the historical timeframe by a few years would have made for a more interesting book. More importantly, a braver historian than Ferriter would have the courage to build upon the occasional moments of perceptiveness contained in these pages and offer real food for thought about how the past truly was and where Ireland is now heading.

Ferriter has shown that he can challenge a consensus, as in his brilliant revisionist book on Éamon de Valera, Judging Dev, which was published in 2007. In this book, he falls disappointingly short.

The Revelation of Ireland 1995-2020 is a worthwhile read for anyone looking for a synopsis of recent Irish history. Those looking to dig deeper must venture elsewhere.  


Why has Ireland become so secularised in the past 30 years? Post your comments in the box below.  


James Bradshaw writes from Ireland on topics including politics, history, culture, film and literature.

Image credit: Bigstock


 

Showing 3 reactions

Please check your e-mail for a link to activate your account.
  • David Page
    commented 2024-10-05 09:40:19 +1000
    What strikes me about the Irish is their fundamental decency. When you see an interview with an aid worker in some god forsaken part of the world, as often as not he or she has an Irish accent. America is awash with the descendants of Irish immigrants. I include myself in that grouping. It is not all good, but it is mostly so.
  • Tom Mullaly
    commented 2024-09-27 10:11:30 +1000
    Wow!

    I don’t want to be harsh, but I think it was Samuel Johnson who once observed that “The Irish are a very fair people; they never speak well of one another.”

    Although no expert on the current Irish scene, I do take a keen interest in the ‘old country’ and her history. I think the general ‘slant’ of this review is what some of my Irish friends would refer to as a distinctly “blueshirt” one, complaining about the state of the country, in spite of the fact that said blueshirts have been running Ireland for the last two to three decades.

    Is the reviewer a historian of modern Ireland? If not, then what would he know? Could we not simply have been given a summary of the book, instead of a series of random nit-picky personal opinions, without any clear context to what we’re actually criticizing? There are too many contradictions here. The country is apparently in thrall to ‘woke progressivism’ at exactly the same time as its electorate overwhelmingly rejects any attempt to eject the ‘Irish Mammy’ from the country’s constitution. Hmmm?

    It’s quite clear the author never experienced life as a Catholic in Northern Ireland between 1950-90 either, otherwise I suspect he would be far from blasé in the dismissivness of their insights.

    The Irish no doubt are as human and as flawed as anyone else, but Ireland is in many ways a remarkable success story:

    1. After only a century of independence, following centuries of enforced isolation at the hands of its more powerful neighbour, it is now one of the wealthiest countries in the world, and consistently in the top 10 most generous countries in terms of foreign aid globally.
    2. One of the first to pioneer decolonization and free themselves from the shackles of the British empire, providing a model to India, Kenya, Nigeria and countless others in the ‘third world’.
    3. Most recently Ireland nimbly used its much derided ‘soft power’ to play a key role in outfoxing the British establishment once again, in the latest English attempt to re-isolate the British Isles, to play divide-and-rule among the neighbouring European states (again, yawn!) and magically resurrect the empire in their heads. Ireland thereby saved the Good Friday Agreement and ensured Northern Ireland was protected from the worst excesses of Brexit, by securing that much troubled region economically within the EU. As a Brit, I for one am grateful. Ireland’s proximity and stubborn stance means that the gravitational ‘pull’ on Britain back towards Europe is now inevitable, thankfully. They have saved us from the stupidity and arrogance of our own ‘leaders’.
    4. Ireland once again has begun to take her rightful place as a proud European nation, so long denied to her. One doesn’t have to read Thomas Cahill to see that when Ireland was last free to be herself at the heart of European and Catholic civilization, her contribution was impressive, despite the small size. As Christian missionaries the Irish have repeatedly displayed throughout their history that they are second to none. Large parts of the most successfully Catholicized places on earth today, particularly sub-Saharan Africa, are a testament to that.
    4. Yes indeed Ireland has become more capitalist, individualist, better educated, selfish, secular, etc. and the ‘collapse’ of the post-famine Catholic culture of Card. Paul Cullen, et al. has been wiped out. But, is this really such a bad thing? It’s certainly no different from the UK, US or any other Western culture currently in thrall to Anglo-American consumer capitalism and radical individualism, is it, so why the running-down of Ireland?

    Regarding the ‘fall’ of Catholic Ireland, there are complex historical reasons behind this. Ireland became reliant on a highly clericalist church largely because for 200-300 years there was no one else the ‘ordinary’ Irish people could turn to to defend their interests, except their parish priest. The majority of her people were also deliberately denied access to any proper education for most of that time also – another common imperial ‘tactic’. In the first half of the 20th century this church became even more clericalist, more enamoured of secular power, puritanically obsessed with the sexual mores of the laity, bloated with pride and so an inevitable ‘fall’ followed. The details of the ‘scandals’ and especially the institutional denial and cover-up did massive damage to the Irish church’s reputation among her own people, and quite unsurprisingly so, one might add. On sexual scrupilosity, God is clearly sending a message here in recent times. Whether his most devoted followers are taking the hint is a separate question. It’s interesting that these not-so-minor details as they relate especially to Ireland are nowhere mentioned in this review. Does all this mean that Ireland is forever now damned, pagan and anti-Catholic? Well hardly. There is virtually no aspect of Irish history or culture that does not relate in some way to Catholicism. The Irish church will begin again (as it did many times before, to those who have read their Irish history) and a new, hopefully more humble church will arise in the not-to-distant future. In fact, I could be wrong, but I believe I read something a few days ago regarding the number of seminarians beginning to increase, for the first time in many years, in the national seminary. Worth reporting perhaps?

    If there are any lessons from the Irish church’s long history it is to (i) Keep the church at arms length from secular power and especially its money, (ii) Never sacrifice your ‘flock’ on the altar of institutional reputation, (iii) the Irish should have greater faith in the deep and rich well of their own history, faith and culture, rather than automatically taking their cultural cues from one’s perceived ‘betters’ in the English-speaking world, as the record would suggest that that has not always served them well. Interpreting Ireland’s rich and complex relationship with the Christian faith and its current state purely through recent, passing US culture war fads is pointless, and will, as my Irish grandfather used to say, lead you “on a hiding to nothing”.

    “They never speak well of one another” … indeed. Time to alter that native weakness perhaps too?
  • James Bradshaw
    published this page in The Latest 2024-09-25 22:46:24 +1000