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Mr Trump, please don't cut PEPFAR and AGOA. Africa needs them
Donald Trump, America’s incoming president, made a big deal during his campaign about eliminating wasteful government spending and running a ruthlessly financially prudent administration.
In fact, as president-elect, he has already assigned the task, on an accelerated timeline, to Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy, through an advisory agency cheekily named the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE).
Naturally, if he is to succeed in this effort, which is more likely than not, entire United States government programmes and agencies will have to be eradicated, and those that remain will be trimmed severely. It will be an accounting bloodbath.
In the process, it’s almost inevitable that the President’s Emergency Fund for Aids Relief (PEPFAR), and the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), two of the main American foreign policy programmes with a heavy focus on Africa, might come up for the same treatment.
The former, which has been running for 21 years, costs the United States around US$5 billion annually; and the latter, which dates to 2000, runs roughly US$250 million annually in foregone tariffs.
In the grand scheme of America’s bloated spending, these figures amount to chump change; but as anyone who’s ever tried austerity at any scale knows, no spending is too small to cut. Mr Musk, especially, is known for cutting even the most rudimentary costs at his companies, sometimes just to see whether they can still function.
Life-saving
Besides, it’s not as if attempts haven’t been made already to end or significantly alter both programmes. Last year, House Republicans raised a ruckus about eliminating PEPFAR, in response to allegations that it had funded some abortions abroad, in violation of American law.
Thankfully, the programme, which has saved millions of lives in Africa, survived the gauntlet and got funded for another year. But that culture war moment was not the only fly in PEPFAR’s ointment. The funding that did get authorised, as requested by the Biden administration, was 6 percent less than the previous financial year’s.
As it turns out, even without attempts to eliminate it, PEPFAR is in the process of being wound down; it was set up as an emergency intervention, after all. Given that it has achieved its aims in several countries, it makes sense that those countries should transition to more sustainable HIV/AIDS management models.
In any case, now that the Republicans have both houses of Congress and the White House, the latter of which will have a new agency tasked with cutting government waste, PEPFAR might very well find itself back on the chopping block. If it is not eliminated outright, its phase-out might be accelerated.
But Mr Trump must resist the temptation to eliminate the programme, or even to significantly hasten its wind-down, should the suggestion to do so come up during his administration.
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As many have conceded, PEPFAR is arguably America’s best project since World War II. Per dollar spent, it has probably saved more lives than any other American government project and has, in the process, afforded many poor African countries the chance to focus on other pressing developmental priorities, without being dragged down by the healthcare and workforce costs of AIDS.
It should still be wound down, but this should be done slowly and deliberately, with great care taken to protect and sustain its marvellous achievements. Of course, the Trump administration should also make sure that none of the funding is diverted to anything other than AIDS management.
Efficient trade
On the other hand, the African Growth and Opportunities Act (AGOA), while it seemingly stands on a stronger foundation because it is, as the name suggests, an act of Congress, is in fact a lot more vulnerable than PEPFAR. As it turns out, the act is up for renewal, or possible elimination, in 2025.
Given how fondly Mr Trump spoke of tariffs during his campaign – going so far as to say the word is his favourite on multiple occasions – it is quite possible that he could let AGOA lapse. The programme, after all, grants entire classes of products from Sub-Saharan Africa tariff-free access to the American market.
To replace AGOA, Mr Trump could then try to craft bespoke trade deals with individual countries. However, there are 48 countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, and their combined trade with America is so minuscule that he would be wasting his time with that approach.
Alternatively, he could make trade deals with regional economic communities around the continent, but these blocs are also in different stages of integration and are weighed down by a great deal of internal politics, which would significantly complicate his deal-making efforts.
Given the numbers involved, the most efficient approach Mr Trump and his administration can take is probably to push for a reauthorisation of AGOA, with necessary changes to make it more effective at enhancing trade with Africa, which is home to many resources that America will need for the foreseeable future, and for which China is a formidable contender.
Mr Trump’s first term wasn’t nearly as deleterious to Africa as the chattering masses – who performatively wrung their hands at his “sh*thole countries” comment – would have predicted. Not only did he have a largely non-interventionalist stance towards the continent, but he also ended American funding for the murder of Africa’s unborn babies, and decoupled woke nonsense from American development aid.
His re-election could bring back this common-sense approach to the continent. Perhaps, if he’s persuaded to take the continent a bit more seriously, he could also engage in meaningful ways to counter China’s hold here. He could, for instance, push for the completion of the Lobito Corridor project, and initiate several similar mega-infrastructure projects across the continent to bring it closer to America.
But even if he does none of the above, he should take special care to protect, if not promote, PEPFAR and AGOA. Perhaps internal efficiencies could be found for both initiatives, but no good can come from eliminating either.
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Mathew Otieno is a Kenyan writer, blogger and dilettante farmer. Until 2022, he was a research communications coordinator at a university in Nairobi, Kenya. He now lives in rural western Kenya, near the shores of Lake Victoria, from where he's pursuing a career as a full-time writer while concluding his dissertation for a master's degree. His debut novel, A Question of Time, is available on Kindle.
Image credit: The White House/Wikimedia Commons
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Michael Cook followed this page 2024-12-04 20:28:59 +1100
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mrscracker commented 2024-11-26 23:32:29 +1100I don’t want to hijack an article about Africa Mr. Mouse but Haiti really began to fail apart after the earthquake. It’s been one tragedy after another from the beginning.
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Anon Emouse commented 2024-11-26 14:14:49 +1100Haiti fought for its independence in 1791 and then won. And then was forced to repay its “debt” to France at canon point for the “sin” throwing off the shackles of slavery. The US backed France, too, (1820s) because slavery was still a part of southern life.
It took them over 100 yrs to pay the debt back. Around the early 2000s the president of Haiti brought up that France could return some of that money to help economic development (before the earthquake, mrscracker)…and not too long after that I believe the president was deposed in a coup.
My point is that it is truly an awful thing we have done to Haiti. -
mrscracker commented 2024-11-26 02:09:27 +1100Sadly, the conditions in some nations have dissipated into something resembling Pres. Trump’s unfortunate comments. It never describes the inhabitants, but it comes close to describing the environment some people are living in. Haiti for example. Ever since the earthquake it’s been a downward spiral.
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Anon Emouse commented 2024-11-22 23:27:04 +1100Mathew,
I hope that Trump doesn’t cut foreign aid. Unfortunately, many of his voters don’t see the value in foreign aid, and want to “make America great again” – they want “America first”. -